Urgent Appeal to Help Colleagues in Turkey

This comes from via my friend Zeynep Gambetti, from Bogazici University, in Istanbul. Please consider signing the petition below.

Urgent Appeal: Stop Arbitrary Detentions in Turkey!

The international public has so far been oblivious to the so-called “KCK operations” carried out in Turkey by Prime Minister Erdogan and his Justice and Development Party for the past two years. Under the guise of “fighting terrorism,” the Erdogan government has been using the judiciary, the police, and the media to penalize all civic activism in support of rights demanded by Kurdish citizens in Turkey. The “KCK operations” in particular have been deployed to spread fear amongst activists, to silence public dissent, and to normalize the arbitrary arrest of citizens. Ironically, the Erdogan government’s suppression of dissent and of democratic politics has visibly intensified at a time when “Turkish democracy” is being hailed as a model for the Arab world.

Since 2009, as many as 7748 people have been taken under custody on the alleged grounds that they are associated with the KCK—an organization claimed to be the urban branch of the armed organization known as the PKK (Kurdistan Workers’ Party)—while 3895 people have been arrested and imprisoned without even the prospect of a trial in the foreseeable future. Elected mayors, public intellectuals, members of civic associations, journalists, university students, researchers, academics, and activists have all been undergoing this heavy-handed treatment.

One of the latest victims of the Erdogan government’s assault on public dissent is Professor Busra Ersanli of Marmara University, a highly respected academic. Her only apparent “crime” is to have played an active role within BDP (Peace and Democracy Party), which has been struggling for the rights of Kurdish citizens in Turkey. The members of this party have been systematically targeted by counterterrorism units’ arbitrary arrests, even as the party currently holds seats in the parliament. Professor Ersanli was to attend a conference on “Controversial Issues in the History of the Turkish Republic” at Istanbul Bilgi University on 29 October 2011, but she was taken under custody on 28 October. On the same day, Ragıp Zarakolu—a founding member of the Human Rights Association and the former chair of the “Writers in Prison Committee” of the International PEN organization in Turkey—was also taken under custody within the framework of the “KCK operations.”

Earlier in October 2011, Ayse Berktay (Hacimirzaoglu)—a renowned translator, researcher, and global peace and justice activist—was taken by the police from her home in Istanbul five o’clock in the morning and subsequently arrested. She still remains imprisoned for the foreseeable future. Professor Busra Ersanli, Ragip Zarakolu, and Ayse Berktay are among thousands of people who have been imprisoned and silenced in the last two years.

Under such political conditions that are only getting worse, it has become an urgent task to unmask the arbitrary and authoritarian character of the Turkish government’s handling of the Kurdish issue. We are calling on friends abroad to spread the news and to build international pressure, which has become especially crucial and urgent at this time when any citizen of Turkey could be targeted by the Erdogan government, the judiciary, and the police for engaging in political acts of solidarity with those detained under the “KCK operations.”

Peace can never be achieved under the current conditions of public fear, paranoia, and authoritarian politics. Please sign the petition below to put pressure on the Turkish government to immediately release all those who have been taken under custody as part of the “KCK operations” and to demand that Prime Minister Erdogan’s government make a sincere commitment to ending its suppression of civic efforts in support of rights demanded by Kurdish citizens in Turkey.



Porto Alegre, 11 years on, and Where are the Brazilian Indignados?

El País, one of the Spanish newspapers of record, ran a headline on October 16th, that the Indignado movement had spread all over the world.   This is, of course, a Spanish take on things.  As important as the acampados in Madrid have been in sparking the flame, Occupy also has its own roots: adbusters, Madison, disappointments with a certain occupant of the White House, and others. One of the interesting things to think about as 15O/Occupy builds up momentum in the United States is the way that different strands come together to animate people´s imaginations.   As my friend Michael Kennedy has said, how we think of the movement’s origins is now still an open question that has to do with what the movement will become and understand itself.

In that spirit, it is worth it, for me, to think back about 10-11 years and the shifting topography of global social justice. Back in 1999 there were the Genoa/Seattle protests and some of the contemporary moments that marked what would become known, for many, and despite efforts otherwise,  as the “anti-globalization movement.”  I remember a lot of the discussions that ensued after Seattle: the possibilities of  “turtles and teamsters” alliances, how to think of this new moment (movement? movements?)  the less-than-diverse composition of some of the crowd in Seattle and the role that people of color would play in its leadership, for example. But one of the important debates had to do with proposals. If the movement was against corporate globalization, what did it stand FOR?

The story from then on is well-known, but global social justice then became a largely Franco-Brazilian co-production.  Attac, Abong, and a few other Brazilian organizations  helped kick off  the World Social Forums, held in Porto Alegre for the first years.  The Forums were very much about proposals. Lots and lots of them. Though the decision was taken after the first year to disallow participation of representatives of political parties or by elected officials, political parties were always present in some way.  Of course, the sympathetic PT administration in the municipality and state made things possible.  But  Petistas, Chavistas, the Fourth International, French Socialists, the forum of progressive elected officials, Cuban government officials, were all in some ways always there. I thought that this was not a bad thing, and I wrote in 2004 that these groups, and principally the PT, respected the autonomy of the Forum.  The important thing was the productive tension between Forum spaces and party activity.

One of the interesting things of the recent global wave of events has been that the center of gravity has been Spanish and US American.   The mobilizations in both France and Brazil have been very muted, if not absent.  I know less about France, but the argument, at least according to some editorials in Le Figaro and Le Monde (and thanks to Ernesto Ganuza for pointing this out), is that the primaries within the Socialist party give voice to those who would be indignados.

And in Brazil, despite an internet campaign ahead of time, the acampamentos in Brazil have been small.  There is one occupation in Sao Paulo, one in Cinelandia in Rio de Janeiro, and a half dozen other even smaller ones throughout the country  You can follow them here.   On one hand it is nice to see, for once, that the United States is in the news for something positive, but on the other this is curious – Brazil, the country of superlatives when it comes to social justice (the largest democratic leftist party in the world, the largest social movement in the world,  the largest labor federation in the world, the supersized social forums, the fastest redistribution of income in a democracy etc.) is essentially not part of an incredibly significant global movement.  Why is this?

Part of the answer is that Brazilians have been doing well, better than probably in any time in recent memory.  A poor Brazilian today likely has better access to health services than a poor American.  Unemployment is low, and we have talk of upward mobility for the first time in generations.  Access to higher education has wildly expanded in the last eight years, and dire poverty has essentially disappeared thanks to cash transfer programs.

But at the same time Brazil does not lack for causes of indignation.  Landlessness continues to be a problem.  Violence and social exclusion still define urban spaces.   Racial inclusion has a long long way to go.  Police abuses are still the order of the day in many, if not most, favelas. And urban improvements in favelas for the olympic games/world cup currently threaten to go the way of South Africa (ie. urban cleansing).  And by no stretch of the imagination are lives of Brazilians not impacted by global financial markets.   The Brazilian government has continued a policy of political economy orthodoxy – running budget surpluses and making debt repayments, which as many have argued over the last eight years, takes money out of social programs and puts them in the coffers of international banks to service debts partially accrued during a dictatorship.  And whatever one´s position on the events of the last years with the Workers´Party, corruption still exists in all levels of government in Brazil.   In other words, many of the banners of the Indignados of  Plaza del Sol or on Wall Street could just as easily be adopted in Sao Paulo or Rio.

For me, those who would be  Indignados of Brazil have simply too many other places to voice their opinion.  On the ¨Democracia Real Brasil” page someone posted a satirical “Shut up Brazil” card, implying that all of the social programs have come at the cost of the people´s voice: in exchange for social benefits, the poor have decided to be quiet.  I think it´s quite the other way around.  I think people have had lots of opportunity for voice.    In some writing related to a project with my friend Ana Claudia Teixeira (in which Luciana Tatagiba, Lizandra Serafim, Evelina Dagnino and Rebecca Abers also participate), we relay some of figures from the last 8 years of participatory efforts under Lula in Brazil.

In addition to the thousands of local instances to participate (in health councils, participatory budgets, etc.), the government sponsored a tremendous number of national spaces of dialogue in terms of standing councils, like the national council on health  (an institution to mediate dialogue between government and society on the topic), and conferences, like the national conference on human rights  (a nation-wide meeting in Brasilia with representatives from civil society from all states).  By 2010 there were 68 distinct national councils in operation in Brazil; and during the Lula years there were 74 national conferences  on 40 different topics, 28 of which were recognized by the government for the first time.  These conferences mobilized over three million people, who came up with over 14,000 proposals and approved 1,100 motions.  Youth conferences mobilized an additional 5 million people.   That’s a lot of places to voice your opinion! Some have been critical of the limits of participatory conferences (as Ana Claudia and I have been in our essay), but it´s undeniable it has been a policy of recognition of many unrecognized voices.

In fact, some indignado themes have been subject of conferences, including corruption.  While people all over the world were preparing for the mobilization of October 15th, in Brazil, the National Conference on Transparency and Participation was moving through its preparatory stages.  After months of meetings in most cities, delegates from all over the country are now going to be chosen to defend proposals and motions at the final, national stage, in June of 2012.


I would love to hear from my friends Ana Claudia Teixeira, Regina Pozzobon, Sergio Baierle, or Luciano Brunnet on this.  Or from France, Heloize Nez or Julien Talpin.


Reassembling Ethnography/ Call for Papers

(Please feel free to pass this along. It is also available here.)

CALL FOR PAPERS for Qualitative Sociology

Reassembling Ethnography: ANT beyond the Laboratory

Deadline for Submissions: August 31st 2012

Actor-Network-Theory (ANT) was literally developed in the laboratory, but it is an approach that proclaims usefulness to all arenas of social life. In recent years, ANT has been actively taken up in neighboring fields, such as Anthropology and Geography, but has only experienced slow and uneven interest within sociology. An upcoming edition of Qualitative Sociology aims to discuss ANT in relation to sociological ethnographic and qualitative methodologies. ANT’s call to ‘follow actors,’ its principle of symmetry, and its skepticism toward taken-for-granted categories in some way harkens to revered sociological traditions of ethnography, but at the same time challenges some of our existing conceptualizations and traditions of ethnographic research. This Special Issue brings together cutting-edge empirical articles that deploy/expand and dialogue with ANT’s ‘sociology of associations’ in various arenas of the social world.

The edition will be published in 2013. Edition articles will explore the usefulness of ANT as a method and as a theory to inform qualitative research, and ethnography in particular. We are interested in articles that will examine how ANT enriches our theoretical and empirical understandings of social phenomena, beyond its familiar domains in science and technology. Contributions are welcomed on a range of themes. The list below is not meant to be exhaustive and we encourage contributors to be creative in their application and engagement with ANT.

  • Civil Society and civic associations
  • Cities and urban life
  • Policy-making and statecraft
  • Sociology of knowledge
  • Race, ethnicity, gender, and class identities
  • Politics and social movements
  • Inequality and stratification

In keeping with the tradition of Qualitative Sociology, we seek theoretically-rich, high-quality empirical studies that will push us to reflect on the limits of ANT, and devise ways to harness its benefits.


The Special Issue will be edited by Gianpaolo Baiocchi, Diana Graizbord, and Michael Rodríguez-Muñiz (Brown University).  The Editors welcome contributions engaged from doctoral or early career to established academics. The papers will undergo the usual peer-review procedure as established by QS.


Deadline for submissions: August  31, 2012 submitted directly to the journal.

Word Limits: 10,000 words (maximum) including bibliography

Queries: Gianpaolo Baiocchi (Gianpaolo_Baiocchi@Brown.edu), Diana Graizbord (Diana_Graizbord@Brown.edu), and Michael Rodríguez-Muñiz (Michael_Rodriguez@Brown.edu).

Full submission instructions are available on the QS website (http://www.springer.com/social+sciences/journal/11133), on the ‘Instructions for Authors’ page. All manuscripts will be subject to the normal double-blind peer review process, but potential authors are welcome to discuss their ideas in advance with the Editors.

This Special Issue will be published in 2013

Watching Occupy From Afar

We are watching Occupy from afar with interest, wishing you all the best from here. Inspired by all the young people who were twittering as we marched I thought I would put some of this up.

I´ve put up some pictures here from the October 15th demo in Madrid (and thanks to Ernesto Ganuza for sharing some of them). I was there among the 200,000 people that marched to the Plaza de Sol on this global day of protest. Like you´ve heard, it was an inspiring, wonderful and peaceful afternoon. The pictures represent the crowd well: there were young, old, families, teachers, and retirees in the crowd. There were more literally strollers than police along the way. The chants were some of the ones the 15-M has become known for, “if we can´t dream you won´t sleep,” “they don´t represent us,” and my favorite, “these are our weapons” (hands in the air). There were some new ones, more specific to Madrid, about the rightwing Mayor Esperanza, and about the PP/PSOE (the rightwing and the centerleft main parties) being the same. Palpable also was the energy from the simultaneous mobilization in the United States. True to the principles of 15M, there were almost no signs representing any political party, union, or association. The only exception were the ubiquitous green t-shirts of the movement to defend public education, which has been lead by public school teachers. (Someone also commented on the high ratio of cameras, cameraphones, journalists and sociologists present.)

The march took almost six hours, and upon arriving at the Plaza del Sol there was an assembly, where we all sat down, presumably to have a group discussion. It was opened with a music recital/performance. At this point, organizers were asking over the loudspeakers for people to stop coming into the plaza, as marchers were still arriving. As we left, the mobilization continued into the early hours of the morning. One abandoned hotel has been occupied and as of yet it´s not clear what will happen with that (there needs to be a legal injunction for occupiers to be forcibly removed, and the government has not sought that).

It´s hard to know what the outcomes of the mobilization will be. They took place all over spain, the second largest being in Barcelona, with some 100,000 people. The 15-M, as the movement of the indignados is known, has been a permanent encampment for months now. It has evolved from a group that coalesced around an internet-based manifesto, the Democracia Real Ya, to something much larger and more diffuse. Its principles are by now well-known: direct democracy, peaceful demonstrations, respect, and non-partisanship. The last one is one of the most interesting to think about- in practice it has meant that left organizations and groups are not part of 15M. They are insistent than an individual can only represent herself. But this is not an uncontroversial position within it. Some of the internal discussion has revolved around whether this makes the movement reformist, for example.

Some of the criticism from both the social democratic left and the left has been that this is irresponsible. Spain is about to have national elections, and the predictions are that there is going to be an overwhelming victory for the PP, coupled with the last results of provincial and local elections, this is going to be the first time since the transition to democracy that Spain will be under near-total right-wing dominance. The predictions are for austerity measures of all kinds. Of course, the response has been that these have not been great times under 8 years of socialist rule anyway. Then they counter that it will be worse under conservatives, and I then feel as if i´m back in the United States. Anyway, one set of controversies over the movement has to do with its relationship to traditional politics.

There are interesting things to think about all of this when we think of the alterglobalization movement, or the World Social Forum, for example, but more on that later.

Hope you are well
in solidarity

Gianpaolo Baiocchi